The Hindu: November 23, 2015 01:17 IST
Victory for Total Football
By now, after nearly a decade of dominating European and Spanish football, it is well understood that the half-yearly match-up between the Spanish powerhouses Real Madrid and Barcelona marks the apogee of the world's club football scene. After all, El Clásico, as the Spanish "derby" is called, does not just project a football rivalry between Spain's two top-winning clubs, but it reflects the intense passion for the sport laced with socio-political overtones specific to that country. Supporters in Spain during the El Clásico are almost always divided into two groups, one in support of the capital city-based Real Madrid, which is also seen to historically represent the centre of nationalist Spain; and the other in support of Barcelona, which is seen to represent federal autonomy and resistance to Spanish centralism. The intense rivalry and footballing excellence of the two clubs have now become globally recognised, and football-lovers the world over have taken to appreciate the quality of football played by the clubs in these games. When the Luis Enríque-coached Barcelona faced Rafa Benítez's Real Madrid at the Santiago Bernabéu stadium in Madrid on Saturday, supporters had again expected an intense and close battle between the clubs, which were stocked with some of the best international players.
Yet, it was Luis Enríque's Barcelona that came out as the clear victor. Organised as a potent collective that combined the inventive strengths of its midfield (Andrés Iniesta and Sergio Busquets) with the lethality of its forward line (Luis Suarez and Neymar) and the pugnacity instilled by its coach, Barcelona showed up Real Madrid merely as a collection of individual talent that could not gel well enough to put up a winning fight. The 4-0 victory was a win again for the philosophy underpinning Barcelona's footballing style in the past decade, espoused by former club great and Dutch legend Johan Cruyff and honed by former coach Pep Guardiola. Luis Enríque has adapted the strengths of Barcelona's unique footballing philosophy featuring ball retention and rapid passing, utilisation of space and all-round defensive tenacity by giving it more structure and emphasising supreme fitness among his squad. So much so that Barcelona managed the win in large part without the presence of its talisman and the world's best footballer, Lionel Messi. Rafa Benítez, on the other hand, sought to play to the loud Madrid gallery, gave in to the pressure heaped by his club's image and its commerce-driven ownership, and deployed an attacking line-up that clearly lacked balance and organisation to take on Barcelona's well-oiled machine. The result was the victory of collectivism over individualism; except the collective was one that featured individuals at their sublime and hardworking best as well. It was therefore a victory for Total Football, and therefore for the game itself, always meant to be a representation of team effort.
· match·up मेल खाना
A contest between athletes or sports teams.
· ap·o·gee शिरोबिंदु
The highest point in the development of something; the climax or culmination.
· Der·by डर्बी- इंग्लैड का एक शहर
An annual horse race for three-year-olds, founded in 1780 by the 12th Earl of Derby. The race is run on Epsom Downs in England in late May or early June.
· Lace डोरी से बांधना
Fasten or tighten (a shoe or garment) by tying its laces.
· ovetone उलट जाना
> An implicit message
· lethality जानलेवा
Deadliness: the quality of being deadly
· pugnacity कलह की इच्छा
Aggressiveness: a natural disposition to be hostile
· in·still मन में बिठा देना
Gradually but firmly establish (an idea or attitude, especially a desirable one) in a person's mind.
· es·pouse पक्ष लेना
Adopt or support (a cause, belief, or way of life).
· te·nac·i·ty जिद
The quality or fact of being able to grip something firmly; grip
· heap ढेर लगना
Put (objects or a loose substance) in a pile or mound.
· sub·lime प्रभावशाली
Of such excellence, grandeur, or beauty as to inspire great admiration or awe.
The Hindu: November 23, 2015 01:27 IST
Clues from the Mali attack
The terror attack on a hotel in Bamako, the capital city of Mali, is yet another example of the growing influence of terrorists around the world. Though the authorities have not immediately confirmed who was behind the attack on the Radisson Blu hotel in which at least 19 people were killed, an al-Qaeda-linked group has claimed responsibility for the siege. Al-Mourabitoun, the group formed by the Algerian militant Mokhtar Belmokhtar, has claimed that the attack was staged in cooperation with al-Qaeda in the Great Sahara region, which has a strong presence in northern Mali. If true, this underscores the theory that al-Qaeda and Islamic State are engaged in a battle of lethal one-upmanship globally. It was just a week ago that IS staged coordinated attacks across Paris, killing 130 people. The Mali attack signals that al-Qaeda is trying to match the terror capabilities of IS. That is indeed terrible news for the rest of the world.
Mali has been a training ground for jihadists for some time now. But what exacerbated the security crisis in the West African country is the invasion of Libya by the countries of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2011 in the name of helping the "Libyan revolution". Former Libyan leader Muammar Qadhafi had ethnic Tuaregs from Mali in his forces. When the Qadhafi regime was destroyed, they fled to Mali with whatever weapons they could carry. Mali has historically had a Tuareg problem, and the well-trained Tuareg men who came from Libya joined the local rebels and jihadists in the north and launched a full-blown rebellion against the government. This rebellion morphed into a powerful Islamist insurgency as al-Qaeda outflanked the Tuareg nationalists and captured the entire northern Mali. Only then did western nations wake up to the threat that a lawless Mali poses to the African continent and also the rest of the world. But their response was typical. Instead of taking urgent steps to stabilise Libya and bolster the Malian government, France sent troops in 2013 to fight the jihadists. They drove the militants away from major towns in the north, but fell short of defeating them. The jihadists, who withdrew to their desert hideouts, continued to strike civilian centres. The Bamako hotel attack is the latest strike, and it is unlikely to be the last even if the Malian government and its international backers are jolted into action. One lesson from the French intervention in 2013 is that counter-terror strategies by themselves cannot defeat the insurgents, who draw strength from the lawlessness in the region. There needs to be a regional approach that would not only fight the jihadists on the ground but also check the supply of weapons, and focus on stabilising Libya. As long as Libya remains a chaotic battlefield for different groups without a central authority, the northern and western African regions are likely to remain extremely vulnerable to jihadist threats.
· Clue इशारा
A piece of evidence or information used in the detection of a crime or solving of a mystery.
· Siege घेराबन्दी
A military operation in which enemy forces surround a town or building, cutting off essential supplies, with the aim of compelling the surrender of those inside.
· le·thal जानलेवा
Sufficient to cause death.
· ex·ac·er·bate ख़राब करना
Make (a problem, bad situation, or negative feeling) worse.
>A traditionally nomadic Berber people of the Sahara
· morph रूप बदलना
Change smoothly from one image to another by small gradual steps using computer animation techniques.
· out·flank परे हटकर पीछे से हमला करना
Move around the side of (an enemy) so as to outmaneuver them.
· hide·out छिपने का स्थान
A hiding place, especially one used by someone who has broken the law.
· Jolt आघात
Push or shake (someone or something) abruptly and roughly.
· Jolt आघात
Push or shake (someone or something) abruptly and roughly.
· vul·ner·a·ble अतिसंवेदनशील
Susceptible to physical or emotional attack or harm.
The recommendations of the Seventh Pay Commission are now with the government, perhaps the first time that this has happened before the new compensation formulae are scheduled to be implemented - in this case, from January 2016. There are both macro and micro implications of the suggested increases. From the macro perspective, an important contrast with the proposals of the Sixth Pay Commission is the relatively moderate aggregate increase - just short of 24 per cent, compared with 35 per cent last time. This amounts to just over Rs 1 lakh crore from the general and railway budgets combined. Of course, as increases are rolled out through state governments and other related hierarchies, the total impact will be much larger; but, for the moment, the finance minister says this will hit the Centre's fiscal space by about 0.65 per cent of the country's gross domestic product.
In terms of timing, the potential stimulus to consumption from the implementation will be welcome in a situation of sluggish growth. Reserve Bank of India Governor Raghuram Rajan's statement that there is 30 per cent excess capacity in Indian industry highlights the rather dim prospects for a broad-based investment revival. So, any acceleration in growth will have to come primarily from consumption spending, backed perhaps by increased public expenditure on infrastructure. In 2008, the recommendations were implemented with the payment of more than two and a half years of salary arrears, so the boost will be smaller. The main thing that will have to be watched is the fiscal impact; there are some concerns that the deficit target will be missed.
On the micro side, there is a significant increase at the top of the scale, with the Cabinet Secretary's salary being pegged at Rs 2.5 lakh per month, a significant increase from the current level. The overall structure has been simplified, with the creation of a pay matrix, which allows for progression based on performance. The recommendation that laggards not be eligible for annual increments is well-intentioned, but clearly is not supported by the almost token appraisal system that is in place today, particularly at the lower levels. That apart, the Commission has been rather conservative in not making any significant recommendations relating to roles and responsibilities. Perhaps it felt that these would be ignored like in the past, so they weren't worth the effort. However, the fact is that the environment is changing so rapidly that simply increasing compensation once a decade while paying little attention to the structure and functions of government reflects a partial approach to the problem. An important component of the recommendations is the time parity proposed between those belonging to the Indian Administrative Services and to other services, although there is dissent on this. Also, the Commission has suggested a broad uniformity in the One-Rank-One-Pension formula across civilian and paramilitary services. It appears that there will be appreciable macroeconomic benefits from the recommendations without too much of an increase in fiscal pressure. But, as far as service delivery is concerned, the tweaks do not add up to a substantial change in incentives. More money should be accompanied by greater accountability, meaningful rationalisation of workforce and a robust linkage between productivity and performance.
· stim·u·lus प्रोत्साहन
A thing or event that evokes a specific functional reaction in an organ or tissue.
· slug·gish सुस्त
Slow-moving or inactive
· ar·rears बक़ाया
Money that is owed and should have been paid earlier.
· lag·gard आलसी आदमी
A person who makes slow progress and falls behind others.
· con·serv·a·tive वर्तमान नियम के बदले जाने का विरोधी
Holding to traditional attitudes and values and cautious about change or innovation, typically in relation to politics or religion.
· dis·sent असहमत होना
Hold or express opinions that are at variance with those previously, commonly, or officially expressed.
· Tweak ठीक करना
Twist or pull (something) sharply
Pay for governance
As a "model employer", the government has to treat its employees fairly, which extends to their pay, benefits and working conditions. One wouldn't, therefore, grudge the seventh Central Pay Commission (CPC) recommending an increase in the minimum monthly pay of government personnel from Rs 7,000 as on January 1, 2006 to Rs 18,000, with effect from next year.
Much of this is from merging the inflation-neutralising dearness allowance of 125 per cent (Rs 8,750) with the basic pay. Only the balance Rs 2,250 constitutes a "real" pay increase. At 14.3 per cent, it's lower than past real increases that ranged from 20.6 per cent in the third to 54 per cent in the sixth CPC awards. Equally justifiable is the raising of pay more for those in the higher echelons of governance. Thus, the increase in basic pay for secretaries is 2.81 times (from Rs 80,000 to Rs 2,25,000), as against 2.57 times for the lowest level (from Rs 7,000 to Rs 18,000).
This is sensible, as lower-level salaries in government are mostly higher than in the private sector, whereas it's the other way round in positions requiring more qualification, talent or experience. But there are also fiscal costs to implementing the CPC report that cannot be brushed aside. The additional outgo from the increased pay, allowances and pension is projected at Rs 1,02,100 crore for 2016-17, of which Rs 28,450 crore would be on the railway budget alone.
Finding the extra resources won't be easy, amidst an economic slowdown and the desperate need to step up public investment — including by the railways — in the current scenario. Moreover, higher pay for Central staff will create similar demands from state government and other public-sector employees. While the previous pay revisions were accommodated by the revenue buoyancy accompanying a booming economy, neither the Centre nor the states are really in a position today to pick up the tab without cutting back on capital/ development expenditures. There is a case, then, for a staggered implementation of the new award, keeping in view the larger, more immediate, economic interests of the country.
But fairness and affordability apart, there is also the question of accountability that needs addressing. In today's world, where technology and e-governance have made leaner administrations with more skilled personnel possible — and yet there is a requirement for more teachers, doctors, policemen, scientists and farmer extension or rural health workers — the public has reason to expect better delivery of services from those in government. Nobody would mind government employees drawing more remuneration, provided this is linked to performance and accountability to the people whom they serve. Unfortunately, successive pay commissions and governments have paid only lip service to issues of administrative reforms.
A persistent feeling of ill will or resentment resulting from a past insult or injury
Remove (dust or dirt) by sweeping or scrubbing.
· out·go खर्च
The outlay of money
· a·midst बीच में
Variant of amid.
· des·per·ate आशाहीन
Feeling, showing, or involving a hopeless sense that a situation is so bad as to be impossible to deal with.
The ability or tendency to float in water or air or some other fluid
· stag·ger लड़खड़ाहट
Walk or move unsteadily, as if about to fall
· lean रूझान होना
(of a person or animal) thin, especially healthily so; having no superfluous fat.
view on security and the spending review: no case for a policing U-turn
n the era of Margaret Thatcher, the politics of a Conservative government spending review were straightforward. Back then, the overriding purpose was to cut taxes and shrink the welfare state while maintaining spending on defence and law and order. Whitehall budget battles between the Treasury and individual departments were often hard fought, but as the former chancellor Nigel Lawson approvingly recalled on Sunday, no departmental budget was sacrosanct, not even defence or the Home Office, and certainly not health.
Today things are different, and George Osborne's defining spending review this week will thus be ideological in a different, arguably post-Thatcherite, way. The current chancellor, like Lord Lawson, also wants to shrink the public sector. But, even after this year's election victory, these are not politically or economically expedient times for tax cuts, while today's no-go departmental areas are very different from the past too. Health, pensions and overseas aid take precedence now. Under Mr Osborne it is the non-protected departments that remain under toughest pressure. These include some, like defence and the Home Office, whose battles with the Treasury would have outraged the authoritarian side of Lady Thatcher's worldview
Police spending has been at the heart of the Whitehall budget wrangling this autumn for a rich variety of reasons. The most important of these is that, in the years since 2010, the old axiom that more police means less crime – a reflexive response for Thatcher-era Tories and New Labour alike – has been discredited. Police leaders have continued to argue that spending cuts will mean a rise in crime, but the facts have stubbornly failed to bear them out. With pressure for cost-saving still intense, and crime falling steadily across the developed world, the police have therefore been squeezed as hard as any other labour-intensive public service and, indeed, much harder than some.
This was, and remains, a broadly justifiable approach, for which the home secretary, Theresa May, deserves respect. Since the Paris attacks, however, the demands for security have intensified and police leaders have claimed that the cuts threaten the state's ability to protect the public. The two things – counter-terrorism preparedness and police spending – have sometimes become conflated. Some of this is understandable. Some of it is unjustified, and even opportunistic. Police forces still have £2.1bn in reserves, a figure that has increased in the past year in spite of the cuts. And viable neighbourhood policing is still sustainable too.
Memories can be short in the political arena. It is has not always been remembered, since the Paris attacks, that Mr Osborne's July budget had already committed extra spending resources to defence, counter-terrorism and intelligence in the wake of events such as the beach attack in Tunisia. But the Paris attacks have inevitably re-energised the issues on the eve of the spending review. The increased threat means the public expects properly funded counter-terrorist forces, including police, and rightly so. Events may also be opening the way for more military spending in the international fight against Islamic State too. The government clearly must not let its guard slip and it equally clearly cannot afford to be thought to be asleep on the job.
It does not follow that spending cuts and the counter-terrorism agenda mean that neighbourhood policing, which can mean different things to different chief constables and police and crime commissioners, is doomed. Neighbourhood policing remains the biggest and best strategic change of direction in the service's recent history. In its best manifestations, it means far more than the anti-terrorist intelligence-gathering capability on which the loudest recent warnings have focused. It is vital that the spending review does not provide an excuse to wreck this most local form of policing.
Whether it does so will depend initially upon local chiefs and commissioners. London faces the biggest test. Elsewhere, however, big cuts in police budgets will create pressure for mergers that many commissioners and chiefs will not like, and which the Home Office is politically reluctant to promote. But the questions are difficult to duck. It is not true that the enhanced terrorist threat requires a U-turn in police spending or strategies. But this week's cuts are bound to generate fresh debate about whether and how far England and Wales should follow Scotland towards a merged national police force.
Use one's authority to reject or cancel (a decision, view, etc.).
· sac·ro·sanct पवित्र
(especially of a principle, place, or routine) regarded as too important or valuable to be interfered with
· (of an action) convenient and practical, although possibly improper or immoral.
· prec·e·dence पूर्व निर्णय
The condition of being considered more important than someone or something else; priority in importance, order, or rank.
· out·rage हिंसात्मक कार्य
Arouse fierce anger, shock, or indignation in (someone
· wran·gle झगड़ा
Have a long and complicated dispute
· con·flate मिलाना
Combine (two or more texts, ideas, etc.) into one.
· vi·a·ble साध्य
Capable of working successfully; feasible
· in·ev·i·ta·bly निश्चित
As is certain to happen; unavoidably.
· Doomed अपराधी
Likely to have an unfortunate and inescapable outcome; ill-fated.
An event, action, or object that clearly shows or embodies something, especially a theory or an abstract idea.
· vi·tal अत्यावश्यक
Absolutely necessary or important; essential.
· Wreck नाश
The destruction of a ship at sea; a shipwreck.
Lower the head or the body quickly to avoid a blow or so as not to be seen.
WHAT happens when those who aren't supposed to be conducting foreign policy assert themselves and those who are meant to be doing so meekly surrender?
The case of the so-called India dossiers is an illuminating answer. Last week, the adviser to the prime minister on foreign affairs, Sartaj Aziz, caused a stir in parliament and outside by suggesting that the three dossiers prepared for the yet to be held NSA meeting between Pakistan and India did not contain any "material evidence".
A day later, Mr Aziz tried to clarify his comments while replying to a question in the National Assembly, but the damage was done — clearly, the federal government is not on the same page as the military leadership when it comes to dossier diplomacy. This is unsurprising. It has not been clear what the dossiers are meant to achieve in the bilateral relationship.
To be sure, there is a strong likelihood that there is a great deal of truth to what has been alleged about Indian involvement in Fata, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Karachi.
While the jihad connection and Pakistan's support for the people of Kashmir has dominated the storyline, there is a long history of India trying to find and exploit security vulnerabilities inside Pakistan.
Even the MQM, which long denied any links between its members and the Indian security establishment, has publicly admitted that some of its cadres have received training in India, though the party said it was not its official policy.
Yet, when the dossiers were compiled to take to the NSA meeting, and then when that meeting was postponed they were shared with the UN secretary general's office and US secretary of state, what was it meant to achieve?
Surely, the Indian state – its national security adviser no less — is aware of its intelligence apparatus in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Can the state here realistically hope to deter Indian interference inside Pakistan through dossiers? It is unlikely in the extreme.
More likely, the security establishment here is reacting to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi's insistence that talks with Pakistan hew to a one-point agenda – terrorism. Raking up allegations of Indian meddling follows the old tit-for-tat formula that has helped bog down Pakistan-India relations for decades. But what is the alternative?
The civilian government needs to rethink its dealings with the military particularly when it comes to India.
By reluctantly going along with security establishment demands and later showing its disinterest, the PML-N government is unwittingly sending the wrong signal to India too, making it even easier for New Delhi to reject meaningful talks with a lame-duck government in Pakistan. Internal coherence is a prerequisite for strong external projection. The military leadership needs to absorb that lesson too.
· dossier फाइल
>a collection of documents about a particular person, event, or subject.
· as·sert दृढ़तापूर्वक कहना
State a fact or belief confidently and forcefully.
· Meekly दब्बूपन से
In a submissive or spiritless manner; "meekly bowed to his wishes"
· al·leged कथित
(of an incident or a person) said, without proof, to have taken place or to have a specified illegal or undesirable quality.
· Vulnerabilities अतिसंवेदनशीलता
(vulnerability) the state of being vulnerable or exposed; "his vulnerability to litigation"; "his exposure to ridicule"
ex·ploit शोषण करना
Make full use of and derive benefit from (a resource).
· com·pile इकट्ठा करना
Produce (something, especially a list, report, or book) by assembling information collected from other sources
The technical equipment or machinery needed for a particular activity or purpose.
· Hew काट कर बनाना
Chop or cut (something, especially wood) with an ax, pick, or other tool.
· med·dle काम में हस्तक्षेप करना
Interfere in or busy oneself unduly with something that is not one's concern.
· bog down उलझना
1. (when: tr, often passive) to impede or be impeded physically or mentally
(of a person or animal) unable to walk normally because of an injury or illness affecting the leg or foot
Lower the head or the body quickly to avoid a blow or so as not to be seen
Lame duck दिवालिया
· co·her·ence सामंजस्य
The quality of being logical and consistent
Nov 23 2015 : The Times of India (Ahmedabad)
Now The Hard Part
Nitish and Lalu must work together and make good their promise of development in Bihar
Winning can sometimes seem like the easy part. Living up to it can be harder. After the euphoria over its stunning victory in Bihar elections, the mahagathbandhan of JD (U), RJD and Congress must get down to the task of delivering on the promise of good governance and development in the state. But just how fraught that task is was evident even as Nitish Kumar took oath as chief minister. Riding on the strength of his 80 assembly seats against JD(U)'s 71, RJD chief Lalu Prasad has made sure his clan commands a crucial chunk of his foe-turned-ally's ministry.
Younger son and debutant MLA Tejaswi has been sworn in as deputy CM with the important portfolios of road construction a key factor behind Nitish's success and welfare of Other Backward Castes and Extreme Backward Castes. Tej Pratap, Lalu's older son, is also a part of the ministry and has been entrusted with the portfolio of health, among others. For all practical purposes, he will be No 3 in the government.
Needless to say , Nitish's flock is not ecstatic about Lalu's greenhorn sons getting top billing in the government.
There are fears that Lalu, who could not contest the elections himself because of his conviction in the fodder scam, will try to run the government through his sons, setting himself on collision course with Nitish. There are concerns too that a resurgent Lalu will simply not allow Nitish to function, and that the Lalu effect could see a return of jungle raj. As if to dispel that impression, Nitish has kept the portfolio of home himself and sent a strong message to his bureaucrats on enforcing law and order in the state.
Both Nitish and Lalu must live and let live. Nitish's last two terms witnessed significant improvements on social indices. Now he needs to bring in industry and create jobs. Infighting and jockeying for influence within the government will scupper that effort. The mahagathbandhan experiment in Bihar could become a template for future anti-BJP coalitions. Nitish is already being hailed as a potential future prime minister. But for that to come to pass both Nitish and Lalu perhaps Congress can be a steadying influence here must realise there's more to be gained by working together. They must consolidate their superb victory in Bihar not squander it in petty squabbles.
· eu·pho·ri·a उत्साह
A feeling or state of intense excitement and happiness.
· Fraught भरपूर
(of a situation or course of action) filled with or destined to result in (something undesirable).
· clan जाति
A group of close-knit and interrelated families (especially associated with families in the Scottish Highlands)
· chunk खण्ड
A thick, solid piece of something.
· Foe विरोधी
An enemy or opponent.
· deb·u·tant प्रारंभ
A person making a first appearance in a career or in fashionable society.
· en·trust सौंपना
Assign the responsibility for doing something to (someone).
· Flock झुण्ड
A number of birds of one kind feeding, resting, or traveling together.
· ec·stat·ic अति आनंदित
Feeling or expressing overwhelming happiness or joyful excitement
An instance of one moving object or person striking violently against another
· re·sur·gent फिर उठ खड़ा होने वाला
Increasing or reviving after a period of little activity, popularity, or occurrence.
Make (a doubt, feeling, or belief) disappear.
Struggle by every available means to gain or achieve something.
· scup·per घात में बैठना
A hole in a ship's side to carry water overboard from the deck.
· Template आदर्श
A generic model or pattern from which other objects are based or derived.
Waste (something, especially money or time) in a reckless and foolish manner
A noisy quarrel about something petty or trivial.
· pet·ty तुच्छ
Of little importance; trivial.
Nov 23 2015 : The Economic Times (Mumbai)
Make the NPS More Flexible for Babus
The Seventh Pay Commission had done well to urge greater flexibility in how civil servants' contributions to their pensi on corpus in the National Pension System (NPS) is managed The NPS limits civil servants' contributions to a maximum 15% exposure to the stock market, while voluntary savers can allocate up to 50% to equity . Individual civil servants should be treated on par with voluntary savers with regard to choice of asset class and fund manager. In fast-urbanising India, real estate should be an ideal asset class but is ignored by the NPS.
The pay commission's suggestion of a life-cycle approach, in which a young recruit to the civil service allocates more of her savings to risky equity and reduces that exposure as risk-tak ing ability comes down with age, makes sense. However, the demand from emp loyees for more flexibility to withdraw funds prior to retirement from the Tier 1 pension account does not make sense. Ri ghtly, the panel wants savers to be encour aged to save an extra rainy-day kitty in Tier 2 for sudden withdrawals. However it passes on the buck to another body on the employees dema nd to raise government's contribution to the Tier 1 account There is no reason for the government to raise its contribution above the 10% the employee also contributes.
What the government should do is give retirees more leeway in reinvesting their accumulated retirement corpus to gener ate a steady income stream. On retirement, an NPS subscriber has to mandatorily use 40% of her accumulated corpus to buy annuities. But India does not have a developed annuities mar ket. Rather than force a subscriber to buy annuities, the reti ree should have choice in deploying her investment. Buying a home and reverse mortgaging it might be better than buying an annuity . Let the saver decide.
· cor·pus समूह
A collection of written texts, especially the entire works of a particular author or a body of writing on a particular subject
The amount of freedom to move or act that is available
· ac·cu·mu·late ढेर लगाना
Gather together or acquire an increasing number or quantity of.
· de·ploy असरदार तरीके से इस्तेमाल करना
Move (troops) into position for military action.