It is not unusual to see State governments showing reluctance to abide by court orders that rulers deem politically inexpedient or ideologically unpalatable. Maharashtra is perilously close to being seen as wilfully disobedient as it drags its feet on issuing licences to hoteliers to host dance performances more than a month after the Supreme Court stayed its legislation to ban dance bars in Mumbai. The court has now peremptorily told the State government to process within two weeks all the applications it has received. State Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis appears reluctant to accept the court's point that the dance bars are a source of livelihood — or at least they used to be until the Mumbai Police Act was amended in 2005 to ban them — to a large number of women and that it is better to regulate them instead of prohibiting them. While mentioning in a tweet that he respected the Supreme Court order, he made it clear that he was in principle opposed to the idea of opening the dance bars and that he still was thinking of legislative intervention. However, so far such legislation has not found favour with the judiciary. In 2006, the Bombay High Court invalidated the amendment, and the Supreme Court confirmed the judgment in 2013. But the government did not allow the bars to be opened. Instead, the State amended the law again in 2014, assuming that would help it get around the judgment. While staying the amendment last month, the court noted that it was merely a re-enactment of the very provision that had been held invalid earlier.
Mr. Fadnavis would do well to realise that further legislation will not be valid if it is aimed at prohibiting what the court has now come to recognise as a vocation that everyone has a right to carry on under Article 19(1)(g) of the Constitution. The present amendment that his regime is trying to defend is unlikely to survive judicial scrutiny, as a similar provision has already been held to violate the right of individuals to engage in a profession of his or her choice. It was also not a reasonable restriction introduced in the public interest. Instead, he should drop his ideological objection to the opening of the dance bars, as this objection is based only on a conservative moral and cultural view of social life, and not necessarily in law or an understanding of social realities. There are reports that more than 75,000 families have been affected by the ban and that hundreds of women took up sex work. The plight of these vulnerable sections ought to pose greater concern to the government than the possibility that society will lapse into depravity by the mere presence of dance bars. The court has already showed the way forward. It has advised the government to bring in regulations, if it so wished, to prevent any obscenity creeping into the performances or any form of exploitation of women employed in these establishments. Governments have many reasonable ways to address their social concerns. Wholesale bans and unhealthy defiance of judicial authority should not be among them.
· de·fi·ance अनादर
Open resistance; bold disobedience.
· re·luc·tance अनिच्छा
Unwillingness or disinclination to do something
· a·bide के प्रति निष्ठा रखना
Accept or act in accordance with (a rule, decision, or recommendation).
· Deem विश्वास करना
Regard or consider in a specified way.
· in·ex·pe·di·ent बेमतलब
Not practical, suitable, or advisable.
· un·pal·at·a·ble अरुचिकर
Not pleasant to taste.
· Perilously जोखिम
In a dangerous manner
· Peremptorily निर्णयात्मक ढंग से
Imperatively: in an imperative and commanding manner
· vo·ca·tion पेशा
A strong feeling of suitability for a particular career or occupation.
· Plight प्रतिज्ञा
A dangerous, difficult, or otherwise unfortunate situation.
Susceptible to physical or emotional attack or harm.
· de·prav·i·ty दुराचार
Moral corruption; wickedness.
· ob·scen·i·ty अश्लीलता
The state or quality of being obscene; obscene behavior, language, or images.
· Creep धीरे धीरे चलना
Move slowly and carefully, especially in order to avoid being heard or noticed.
The Paris Climate Change Conference could become a landmark summit in the history of world development, if leaders of the rich nations show the vision to come up with a just and equitable agreement that supports carbon-free growth. The heads of government meeting at the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change conference opening on November 30 are under pressure to evolve a concrete plan that goes beyond incremental measures and acknowledges the seriousness of scientific evidence on dangerous climate change. Any agreement must incorporate liberal financial and technological assistance from developed nations, which have a historical responsibility for global warming. Developing countries such as India face the difficult path of bringing millions of people out of poverty without significantly increasing their carbon emissions. India also has to adapt to the severe consequences of changing climate, such as catastrophic droughts and storms, damage to agriculture, loss of biodiversity and harm to human health. In Paris, the negotiations revolve around a target of further maximum rise in global temperatures of only 2 degrees Celsius over pre-industrial levels. This goal imposes a ceiling on the amount of carbon dioxide that can be added to the atmosphere by all countries put together, which is about 1,000 billion tonnes. Without radical decarbonisation measures, this carbon budget would be exhausted in less than two decades according to some estimates.
In recent years, the richer half of the world has been demanding that developing nations with high rates of economic growth, including India, accept legally binding emissions cuts. This approach does not meet the test of fairness and equity, since those who are not responsible for the problem are being asked to share the burden equally. The principle of differentiated responsibilities was fundamental to the Kyoto Protocol, and there is no cause to review that for a new agreement. Instead, the focus must be on the absence of working arrangements to substantially fund mitigation of emissions and to help vulnerable countries adapt to the effects of climate change. A $100 billion annual fund to be available from 2020 has made no great leap, having received only pledges of aid. A smaller Green Climate Fund has set apart a mere $168 million for eight projects, some of which have run into hurdles. The negotiators at Paris thus have the challenge of crafting an agreement that incorporates all the key elements needed to attain the climate target. Fortunately, most countries including those in the global south have signalled their intention to take national actions to cut emissions. What they need is barrier-free financing and open source technologies in order to do more. Paris presents the moment, and the leaders must grasp it.
· land·mark सीमाचिह्न
An object or feature of a landscape or town that is easily seen and recognized from a distance, especially one that enables someone to establish their location.
· eq·ui·ta·ble उचित
Fair and impartial.
Develop gradually, especially from a simple to a more complex form.
· Incremental वृद्धि संबंधी
Increasing gradually by regular degrees or additions
· in·cor·po·rate मिश्रित
Take in or contain (something) as part of a whole; include.
· a·dapt अनुकूल बनाना
Make (something) suitable for a new use or purpose; modify.
· se·vere कठोर
(of something bad or undesirable) very great; intense
· cat·a·stroph·ic आपातपूर्ण
Involving or causing sudden great damage or suffering.
· im·pose थोप देना
Force (something unwelcome or unfamiliar) to be accepted or put in place.
(especially of change or action) relating to or affecting the fundamental nature of something; far-reaching or thorough.
· sub·stan·tial·ly आवश्यक पदार्थ
To a great or significant extent.
· mit·i·ga·tion घटाव
The action of reducing the severity, seriousness, or painfulness of something.
· hur·dle बाधा डालना
An upright frame, typically one of a series, that athletes in a race must jump over.
Of the various bailout packages doled out by the government to the sugar sector in the recent past, the latest is distinctly different in its basic approach and mode of payment. It involves a production subsidy of Rs 4.50 per quintal of sugarcane to be paid directly to cane growers. It will also benefit the sugar industry which will have to pay correspondingly less to farmers. This marks a new beginning, of paying production-linked crop subsidies in India. So far, agricultural subsidies were routed mostly through inputs like fertilisers, power, seeds, or farm machines. Production subsidies, notably, are permissible under the World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules provided they do not exceed 10 per cent of the total value of crop output. Earlier, the government gave an export subsidy of Rs 4,000 per tonne to the sugar industry to help it ship out raw sugar to raise the cash to pay its dues to farmers - which had mounted to over Rs 21,000 crore by April 2014. But this move had to be retracted as other sugar producing and exporting countries objected, maintaining that such a trade-distorting measure violated WTO norms.
In another bid to help the sugar industry clear cane price arrears, the government had offered it a soft loan of Rs 6,000 crore which was to be deposited directly in the cane growers' bank accounts on behalf of the sugar mills. However, these packages yielded only limited results. The cane price arrears pertaining to the last sugar season still stand at an untenably high level, over Rs 7,000 crore, though the new cane crushing season has already begun. This seems to have spurred the government to thinking that it could pay the subsidy directly to farmers as part payment of the cane supplied to the sugar mills. The government is likely to take a hit of over Rs 1,000 crore on this account. Both the cane farmers and the sugar industry have welcomed it, but they are not fully satisfied and feel that more may need to be done by the government to solve the recurring problem of accumulation of cane price arrears. They deem the subsidy to be too little compared to the fair and remunerative price (FRP) of Rs 230 a quintal for cane.
The government should, however, be cautious in dealing with such pleas. There is a danger that an output-linked subsidy of this kind may encourage overproduction of both sugarcane - a water-guzzling crop that depletes groundwater - and sugar, perpetuating the liquidity crisis in the sugar industry. Instead, it should strike at the root cause of the sugar sector's woes, which is the lack of any link between the prices of cane and sugar. The way out is the revenue sharing model suggested by the expert committee on sugar headed by C Rangarajan. According to this, mills have to share with farmers 75 per cent of the revenue realised from the sale of sugar or 70 per cent of the total revenue generated by sugar and its byproducts. Such an approach would result in demand-driven production of both sugarcane and sugar. This will also protect the interests of all players in the sugar sector, including those of consumers.
· bail·out जमानती रिहा
An act of giving financial assistance to a failing business or economy to save it from collapse.
· Doled out
a portion or allotment of money, food, etc., especially as given at regular intervals by a charity or for maintenance. 2. a dealing out or distributing, especially in charity. 3. a form of payment to the unemployed instituted by the British government in 1918.
· re·tract इन्कार करना
Draw or be drawn back or back in.
· ar·rears बकाया
Money that is owed and should have been paid earlier.
· Untenably असमर्थनीय
In an untenable way
· Spur उकसाना
Urge (a horse) forward by digging one's spurs into its sides.
· ac·cu·mu·la·tion संग्रहण
The acquisition or gradual gathering of something.
· cau·tious सावधानपूर्वक
(of a person) careful to avoid potential problems or dangers.
· Plea दलील
A request made in an urgent and emotional manner.
· de·plete कम करना
Use up the supply or resources of.
· guz·zle बहुत खाना पीना
Eat or drink (something) greedily.
· per·pet·u·ate बनाये रखना
Make (something, typically an undesirable situation or an unfounded belief) continue indefinitely.
· Woe दुःख
Great sorrow or distress
Somewhere in the Union home ministry lies a request from the BCCI that begs for an urgent answer to a very simple question: Can India play cricket with Pakistan in Sri Lanka? What should have been an easy, and a quick, "yes" is now seeming like a belaboured "maybe". This isn't a rant on red-tapeism, it's about a government that is generally uncertain about Pakistan and specifically undecided about playing cricket with that country. This policy has seen the cricketing relationship between the old rivals go from bad to worse. India-Pakistan encounters had already become rare, Pakistan's cricketers were kept away from the IPL, and now even commentators and umpires have been made to feel unsafe here.
Ironically, it's the BCCI that is getting the flak. It is being accused of asking the wrong question at the wrong time — 26/11 has just been marked. But WhatsApp groups, twitter handles and television debates — the modern day rooftops that accommodate every high-decibel rabble-rouser — don't care about cricketing MoUs or the importance of Pakistan to cricket in the subcontinent or to the global game played by less than 10 nations. The government should know better than to allow them the casting vote. Prime ministers and presidents have often been seen on the sidelines of India-Pakistan games, they have beamed as they passed shining trophies to champions. These frames have helped them in building images and "optics". But cricket engagements shouldn't only be used for political convenience. And they certainly can't carry the burden of a thaw or spike in the thorny India-Pakistan relationship.
This unwarranted impasse has aggravated the pain of the cricket fan. India and Pakistan last played a Test in 2007. Their only ODI interaction this year has been on a neutral venue, under ICC supervision, at the World Cup. Cricket's most-storied rivalry has been sorely missed.
· be·la·bor बुरी तरह पीटना
Argue or elaborate (a subject) in excessive detail.
· Rant शेख़ी
Speak or shout at length in a wild, impassioned way.
· Red tape दफ्तरशाही is an idiom that refers to excessive regulation or rigid conformity to formal rules that is considered redundant or bureaucratic and hinders or prevents action or decision-making.
· en·coun·ter सामना
Unexpectedly experience or be faced with (something difficult or hostile).
· i·ron·i·cal·ly विडम्बना से
In an ironic manner.
· Flak आलोचना
· ac·cused अभियुक्त
A person or group of people who are charged with or on trial for a crime.
· roof·top छप्पर
The outer surface of a building's roof.
· Beam संकेतन
Transmit (a radio signal or broadcast) in a specified direction.
· un·war·rant·ed बेबुनियाद
Not justified or authorized.
· im·passe गतिरोध
A situation in which no progress is possible, especially because of disagreement; a deadlock.
· ag·gra·vate भड़काना
Make (a problem, injury, or offense) worse or more serious.
· sore·ly बुरी तरह से
To a very high degree or level of intensity (especially of an unwelcome or unpleasant state or emotion).
uring the 115 years of the Labour party's existence, every war has sparked a battle. Amid the guns of August 1914, Keir Hardie and Ramsay MacDonald dug into trenches against Arthur Henderson, who had rallied to the flag. A pacifist, George Lansbury, was leader in the 1930s, but had to go when the mood swung behind rearmament. The consequences of Korea sparked Nye Bevan's resignation from the Attlee government, a blow from which it never recovered.
Anti-war factions within the parliamentary party opposed every military adventure, from the Falklands in 1982 to Libya in 2011. In 2013, there was mutiny on the opposite front: half a dozen bellicose members parted company with Ed Miliband and went into the lobbies to support intervening in the Syrian civil war, at a time when the idea was still to strike at President Assad rather than his enemies.
In the light of all this history, the prime minister's push to extend British bombing into Syria was always likely to cause Labour pains. The divisive legacy of Iraq made it certain. The bulk of Labour MPs who were not on the payroll declined to back the charge to Baghdad. So large was the revolt that, despite his vast majority, Tony Blair relied on Tory votes. War became more neuralgic than ever for the party. It was slow-burning rage about the distortions of 2003 and the subsequent disasters of the occupation that would eventually propel a career outsider and anti-war campaigner to the leadership. At the same time, however, it is precisely because of Jeremy Corbyn's long record in opposing military action of every sort that all those MPs whose instinct is cautious support for "our boys" are reluctant to be guided by him.
The result has been a collapse of collective shadow cabinet responsibility that is unprecedented, in war or peace. Sure, John Major had his Eurosceptic "bastards" to deal with, but most of the cabinet took his side. In contrast, when the Labour leader wrote to MPs on Thursday to set out his opposition to British bombing, he was enunciating a position that was out of step with most of the views that had been expressed at that day's shadow cabinet, including most ominously those of his shadow foreign secretary, Hilary Benn. In sum, it looked like he was publicly declaring a personal view, enraging colleagues who expected or hoped that their leader would take the more traditional tack of thrashing out an agreed line among his team.
When Harold Wilson campaigned to keep Britain in Europe there was division too, but at least he had settled the ground rules for resolving the issue – a referendum, preceded by a temporary suspension of the presumption for a shared ministerial script. The most perilous aspect of Mr Corbyn's current predicament is that he has set his face against the only obvious escape route: a free vote. From the point of view of a peace campaigner this reluctance might make sense. If MPs simply follow their consciences and the Labour bloc fractures, David Cameron will have the votes he needs to bomb. From the point of view of practical politics, however, it looks risky, and likely unsustainable. The process of filling his shadow cabinet was not without problems the first time around, and so Mr Corbyn can hardly afford multiple resignations. If, on the other hand, frontbench rebels were allowed to remain after an anti-war whip, then whipping – and party discipline – would have ceased to function in any conventional sense. Nor can Mr Corbyn ignore the humdrum question of who would do the whipping – unless, that is, the Labour whips' office is more united than the front bench.
If Mr Corbyn is acting rashly, then so too are his mutinous team. Mr Benn gave an interview lauding the prime minister's "compelling case", getting himself well ahead of the agreed position, even if he was careful to add he still wanted to see the final motion. Many MPs are talking as if the UN security council has authorised bombing in law, when – although there may be a legal case for action based on self-defence – it has in fact done no such thing. Above all, there are some Labour MPs who bitterly resent the centre-right's loss of control of the party out in the country, as well as various shambolic aspects of the Corbyn regime, who simply spot their chance to pounce. It would, however, be an abject neglect of duty for any MP to allow discontent about party management to distort this life and death decision.
Labour has always struggled to achieve unity on military affairs. One would hope, however, that it could agree that arguments about the almighty question of war and peace in the real world cannot be adequately settled by petty political spats.
· Spark उत्साह
Emit sparks of fire or electricity.
· a·mid संबंध में
Surrounded by; in the middle of.
· Trench अतिक्रमण करना
A long, narrow ditch.
· pac·i·fist शांति कामी
A person who believes that war and violence are unjustifiable.
The act of arming again;
fac·tion उपद्रव (
· A small, organized, dissenting group within a larger one, especially in politics.
· in·ter·vene बीच में आना या पड़ना
Come between so as to prevent or alter a result or course of events.
· mu·ti·ny बगावत करना
An open rebellion against the proper authorities, especially by soldiers or sailors against their officers.
· re·volt विद्रोह
Rise in rebellion.
· Of or relating to or suffering from neuralgia; "neuralgic pains"
· Rage प्रकोप
Violent, uncontrollable anger.
· dis·tor·tion टेढ़ापन
The action of distorting or the state of being distorted.
· pro·pel ढकेलना
Drive, push, or cause to move in a particular direction, typically forward.
· un·prec·e·dent ·ed अपूर्व
Never done or known before.
A person who is opposed to increasing the powers of the European Union.
· e·nun·ci·ate प्रस्तुत करना
Say or pronounce clearly.
· om·i·nous अशुभ,
Giving the impression that something bad or unpleasant is going to happen; threatening; inauspicious.
· en·rage क्रोधित करना
Make very angry
Beat (a person or animal) repeatedly and violently with a stick or whip.
· ref·er·en·dum किसी प्रश्न को जनता के सामने उसकी सम्मति लेने के लिये रखना
A general vote by the electorate on a single political question that has been referred to them for a direct decision.
· pre·cede पहले आना
Come before (something) in time.
· per·il·ous ख़तरनाक
Full of danger or risk.
· pre·dic·a·ment कठिन परिस्थिति
A difficult, unpleasant, or embarrassing situation.
· Whip कोड़ा
Beat (a person or animal) with a whip or similar instrument, especially as a punishment or to urge them on.
· hum·drum साधारण
Lacking excitement or variety; dull; monotonous.
· mu·ti·nous झगड़ालू
(of a soldier or sailor) refusing to obey the orders of a person in authority.
· sham·bo·lic अव्यवस्थित
Chaotic, disorganized, or mismanaged.
· Pounce झपट कर पकड़ना
A fine resinous powder formerly used to prevent ink from spreading on unglazed paper or to prepare parchment to receive writing.
· pet·ty अल्प
Of little importance; trivial.
· Spat मनमुटाव
A petty quarrel.
ADDRESSING the National Assembly, Interior Minister Nisar Ali Khan appeared to urge his fellow parliamentarians on both sides of the aisle to take a greater interest in monitoring the workings of the federal ministries. Indeed, Mr Khan suggested that ministers themselves take the lead by presenting their records in office in parliament and thereby encouraging parliament to critique them. Given the desultory nature of this parliament and the PML-N senior cadre's lack of interest in strengthening parliamentary norms and practices, the interior minister's suggestion could — and that is a very big if — help a mid-term revitalisation of parliament. If the government itself is not interested in reviewing the performance of its cabinet members — already long forgotten are the so-called ministerial performance audits that the prime minister had commissioned and then quietly shelved — perhaps the other parties in parliament could take the lead. There is clearly much that needs improvement on the governance front, and a plethora of reforms could be undertaken. Parliament — the combined National Assembly and Senate — also has a wealth of experience that could and should be put to better use.
The interior minister, however, appears to be fighting an uphill battle with resistance likely to come from his own cabinet colleagues and indifference or narrow self-interest at best to be contended with among the opposition in parliament. With the PML-N, the history of the abortive ministerial performance audits is illustrative. For one, there is a dominant personality in the federal cabinet — Finance Minister Ishaq Dar. There are few ministries in which he does not have a say and many ministers appear helpless when it comes to asserting control over their own ministries. For another, the prime minister himself tends to keep many of his cabinet colleagues at arm's length, leaving them weak within their own ministries and unable to use prime ministerial clout to get better administrative results. In such an environment, there will be some reluctance on the part of most cabinet members to follow the approach urged by the interior minister. Why expose themselves to harsh public scrutiny when most ministers don't feel a real sense of ownership over their ministries?
The situation among the opposition — who ostensibly should have a great deal of interest in discovering the shortcomings of the federal cabinet — is sadly even worse. Consider the approach of the three main opposition parties: the PTI, PPP and MQM. The PPP and MQM appear unable to look beyond their troubles in Sindh and seem to consider parliament as nothing more than a platform to air their misgivings about how their members are being treated. The PTI, meanwhile, still favours the politics of agitation to the less glamorous work of parliamentary oversight. Parliament surely needs to be strengthened — but the interior minister's call to arms may not be enough to stir change.
· Urge तीव्र इच्छा
Try earnestly or persistently to persuade (someone) to do something.
· Aisle गलियारा
A passage between rows of seats in a building such as a church or theater, an airplane, or a train.
· cri·tique आलोचनात्मक लेख
A detailed analysis and assessment of something, especially a literary, philosophical, or political theory.
Lacking a plan, purpose, or enthusiasm
· Revitalization पुनरुद्धार
Examine or assess (something) formally with the possibility or intention of instituting change if necessary.
· pleth·o·ra प्रचुरता
A large or excessive amount of (something).
· up·hill ऊपर की ओर
In an ascending direction up a hill or slope.
· bat·tle लड़ाई
A sustained fight between large, organized armed forces
· re·sist·ance प्रतिबन्ध
The refusal to accept or comply with something; the attempt to prevent something by action or argument.
Lack of interest, concern, or sympathy.
· a·bor·tive अपूर्ण रूप से विकसित
Failing to produce the intended result.
· dom·i·nant प्रमुख
Most important, powerful, or influential.
· as·sert बलपूर्वक कहना
State a fact or belief confidently and forcefully.
Influence or effectiveness, especially political
· Urge तीव्र इच्छा
Try earnestly or persistently to persuade (someone) to do something.
· os·ten·si·bly प्रकट रूप से
Apparently or purportedly, but perhaps not actually.
· mis·giv·ing संदेह
A feeling of doubt or apprehension about the outcome or consequences of something.
· ag·i·ta·tion वादविवाद
A state of anxiety or nervous excitement.
· glam·our तड़क-भड़क
The attractive or exciting quality that makes certain people or things seem appealing or special.
· Stir उकसाना
To change the place of in any manner; to move.
Beyond immediate political causes, we need to look at how religions are exclusionary
Reams of analyses, speculation and helpless befuddlement have inundated the media around the world since the murderous assault of ISIS on Paris two weeks ago. Everyone is trying to find answers to the who, where and how puzzles that the extremist Islamists of ISIS have flung at us by their nonchalant brutality. Hovering overhead is a dark cloud asking: Why? Immediately obvious whys, such as why they bombed a Russian plane full of civilian passengers or why they attacked Beirut or why they killed with Mumbai-style mercilessness in Paris, can be answered with reasonable accuracy. No answer, however, can fully explain an overarching why: Why do violent religious extremists come to do the sort of terrifying acts which the vast majority of humanity, including their co-religionists, can only imagine in horror?
Just asserting that it's all because the US attacked Iraq and Afghanistan, or that it's a result of the frustration of Islamic youth at the failure of the Arab Spring to flower, or that the historic Shia-Sunni divide is at the root of it all, are partial answers to immediate worries. The larger question of why religion at its extreme drives people to intolerant, unrelenting butchery is more difficult to answer. But we could begin a search for explanation by observing a few ground realities.
Here are three observations. Point One: Notice how Islamist violence today is almost entirely inspired and committed by Arab Islam. Non-Arab Islamic countries, such as Indonesia and Bangladesh which together account for at least a quarter of the world's Muslim population, have their share of sporadic extremist violence mostly inspired by foreign factors but are by and large stable societies that also, along with Tunisia, testify to the fact that Islam and democracy are not necessarily incompatible. These nations do not have a policy of exporting Islam unlike, say, Saudi Arabia and some Gulf states. My second observation might rile many readers.That's because they are more likely than not to be believers in one religion or another. With apologies, let me assert that every organised religion is by definition exclusionary and, therefore, potentially though not always in reality, intolerant. Each claims to offer a better path to salvation or eternal bliss than competing faiths.
They all say they're peaceful but each has a history of violent aggrandisement along with periods of peaceful expansion. Each has a fierce extremist fringe that brooks no dissent. And those fringes turn into bloodthirsty sects, like ISIS, seeking power and mastery over mortals.
Each religion demands `respect'. It's a bit like demanding respect for politics. Religion like politics is grouped into competing sects and parties each of which competes for influence over people's minds. Like politics, religion has not been eternally present in humankind's history . Homo Sapiens evolved into being in eastern Africa about 2,00,000 years ago. Religion in its present forms has been around for only around 10,000 years.
Evolutionary historians have through careful study laid out that religion seems to have grown in animistic forms a few thousand years before the agricultural revolution. That probably morphed first into a polytheistic stage before monotheism became culturally and politically dominant. These are rationally demonstrable facts though those who want to believe in Noah's Ark or Samudramanthan may be disinclined to find out what evolutionary science has put together.
Lastly , you might examine the power structure within each organised religion. Every one of them is dominated by males. Women, who for much of the recorded history of the past two or three millennia have been considered convenient accessories and passion receptacles for men, are barely visible in the top echelons of the world's religions.
At those violent fringes we talked about you might find a few women who have been brainwashed into blowing themselves up for a supposed ethereal Good but almost all the assassins and terrorists are men, mostly young and hormonally restless. They and their older manipulators find ferociously expressed religious fervour a convenient tool with which to control and subjugate women. Witness the strictures against women and warnings against their supposed transgressions in most religious texts.
Such observations don't answer the Why . But they might stimulate our search for answers.
· Exclusionary निवारण
Acting to exclude something
500 (formerly 480) sheets of paper.
· spec·u·la·tion सट्टेबाज़ी
The forming of a theory or conjecture without firm evidence.
· Befuddlement चकरा देना
Bewilderment: confusion resulting from failure to understand
· in·un·date बाढ़ आना
Overwhelm (someone) with things or people to be dealt with.
· as·sault धावा
Make a physical attack on.
(of a person or manner) feeling or appearing casually calm and relaxed; not displaying anxiety, interest, or enthusiasm.
· bru·tal·i·ty निर्दयता
Savage physical violence; great cruelty.
· hov·er आस-पास होना
Remain in one place in the air.
all-embracing or overwhelming
· ter·ri·fy भयभीत करना
Cause to feel extreme fear.
· un·re·lent·ing बेदर्द
Not yielding in strength, severity, or determination.
· butch·er·y कसाईखाना
The savage killing of large numbers of people.
· spo·rad·ic छुट-पुट
Occurring at irregular intervals or only in a few places; scattered or isolated.
· tes·ti·fy प्रमाण प्रस्तुत करना
Give evidence as a witness in a law court.
· in·com·pat·i·ble परस्पर-विरोधी
(of two things) so opposed in character as to be incapable of existing together.
· Rile क्रोधित करना
Make (someone) annoyed or irritated.
· sal·va·tion मुक्ति
Deliverance from sin and its consequences, believed by Christians to be brought about by faith in Christ.
· Aggrandizement विवर्धन
Aggrandizement: the act of increasing the wealth or prestige or power or scope of something; "the aggrandizement of the king"; "his elevation to cardinal"
· Fierce खूँखार
Having or displaying an intense or ferocious aggressiveness.
An ornamental border of threads left loose or formed into tassels or twists, used to edge clothing or material.
· e·ter·nal·ly अनन्तकाल तक
In a way that continues or lasts forever; permanently.
· e·volve विकसित करना
Develop gradually, especially from a simple to a more complex form
· Animistic जीववाद
Animist: of or pertaining to the doctrine of animism
· Morph आकार बदलना
Change smoothly from one image to another by small gradual steps using computer animation techniques.
· mon·o·the·ism एकेश्वरवाद
The doctrine or belief that there is only one God.
· re·cep·ta·cle गोदाम
An object or space used to contain something.
· bare·ly नाममात्र को
Only just; almost not.
· ech·e·lon विभाग
A level or rank in an organization, a profession, or society.
· Fringes किनारा
Those members of a political party, or any social group, holding unorthodox views.
· Ethereal अलौकिक
Consisting of ether; hence, exceedingly light or airy; tenuous; spiritlike; characterized by extreme delicacy, as form, manner, thought, etc.
· Manipulators अपनी बात मनवा लेने वाला
(manipulator) operator: an agent that operates some apparatus or machine; "the operator of the switchboard"
· Ferociously खूँखार रूप से
In a physically fierce manner; "silence broken by dogs barking ferociously"; "they fought fiercely
· fer·vor जोश
Intense and passionate feeling
· sub·ju·gate वश करना
Bring under domination or control, especially by conquest.
· trans·gres·sion अतिक्रमण
An act that goes against a law, rule, or code of conduct; an offense.
· stim·u·late उकसाना
Raise levels of physiological or nervous activity in (the body or any biological system).
The government has reportedly nudged IIT-Bombay to alter their normal placement schedule and give engineering, rather than financial or consulting, companies Day One slots, to pick up the best students. The motivation is to give a nudge to Make in India. The motive might be noble, but the move is misguided and fails to understand that pricing plays a vital role in sensible allocation of resources. The level of salaries companies offer reflects the quality of manpower they want to hire.The top talent skips the manufacturing sector, for the most part, opting for better paying service sector jobs. If our manufacturing firms step up their game and require top engineering talent, they would offer competitive salaries, as Chinese companies do. A Towers Wat son study finds that an engineer earns in India half as much as in China and one third as much as in Singapore. The kind of engineer required and the salary she commands depends on how advanced is the work she is called upon to perform. Indian manufacturing companies must step up R&D to move beyond having maintenance engineers and machine operators. India lags in advanced manufacturing, whether in microelectronics, materials or aircraft manufacture. India has just one Shyam Telecom doing indigenous R&D in telecommunications, which struggles to find state support and is dwarfed by the likes of China's Huawei and ZTE who develop standards and equipment for 5G mobile communication technologies. China's policies foster and accelerate innovation, and that is the way for India to go as well. The US spends an estimated 2.8% of its GDP on R&D. In 2012, China's R&D was estimated at 1.98% of the GDP, China hopes to match US R&D spend by 2020. India's spend on R&D is a paltry 0.95% of a lesser GDP. Fix these problems, to Make in India.
· re·port·ed·ly खबरों के अनुसार
According to what some say (used to express the speaker's belief that the information given is not necessarily true).
· Nudge कुहनी से छूना
Prod (someone) gently, typically with one's elbow, in order to draw their attention to something.
· Lag पिछड़ जाना
Fall behind in movement, progress, or development; not keep pace with another or others.
· in·dig·e·nous स्वदेशीय
Originating or occurring naturally in a particular place; native.
· Dwarf बौना कर देना
Cause to seem small or insignificant in comparison.
· fos·ter प्रोत्साहन देना
Encourage or promote the development of (something, typically something regarded as good).